But first this photo again, because it's worth setting today's Occupation in some historical context. We are now in the midst of the worst recession since the Great Depression, and in Washington State, back during the ol' Great Depression, people marched on the state Capitol Building—just like they will today—to demand more help for the working class. Back then they called it a Hunger March, staged on behalf of the Unemployed Citizens League and other organizations. Today it's called Occupy the Capitol, staged on behalf of the 99 percent. But the basic demand is the same: a state that does more to help its citizens get through very hard times.
Now, here's the hard question that today's Occupiers will have to answer:
If Governor Chris Gregoire's proposed $2 billion in cuts to basic state services—coming on top of $10.5 billion in cuts already made to basic state services over the last three years—represents what Occupy Seattle has called "one of the greatest assaults in our state’s history against the interests of workers, students, and the poor," then...
Should the Occupy protesters support Gov. Gregoire's proposal to "buy back" about $500 million in cuts to education, prisoner supervision, and care for the developmentally disabled by temporarily raising the (regressive) state sales tax by half a penny?
So far, this half-cent sales tax increase is the only major revenue-raising idea formally on the table in Olympia. It has the benefit of getting needed revenue into the state treasury immediately to save important programs. (Unlike other taxes that are collected once a year, sales taxes are collected constantly.) But it has the problem of forcing the working poor to pay more, as a percentage of their income, to save programs meant to help the working poor. While Occupiers from all over head toward Olympia this morning, how about a poll on what they should say when they get there:
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Many of the hundreds of cuts Gregoire and other Democrats have tallied are simply automatic spending increases that didn't end up happening. For example, because the state twice suspended automatic cost-of-living adjustments for education employees, budgeters counted it as a "cut" of $682 million. Another "cut" of $344 million is counted because it stopped regular cost-of-living increases for some pensioners.
The $10.5 billion number also includes more than $1 billion dollars that were cut from higher education, but much of that money is still coming in a different way because lawmakers hiked tuition rates to offset the reductions.
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